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The next attorney general, for example, has to do everything in his or her power to fight for voting rights, police reform



Most people know Judge Merrick Garland for what didn’t happen to him. Five years ago, the Senate never acted on his nomination to the Supreme Court.

This week, that will change, as a new chapter begins in Garland’s lifelong commitment to public service. Garland, 68, will appear before the Senate Judiciary Committee on Monday as President Biden’s pick to serve as attorney general. This time, few obstacles stand in his path to confirmation. But the institution he’s likely to join operates largely in a state of shock.

The Justice Department is still reeling from political scandals from the Trump years — and racing to neutralize the threat from homegrown, violent extremists who participated in the attack on the U.S. Capitol. Over a legal career that spans 44 years, Garland has confronted those kinds of problems before. It’s one of the many reasons the White House selected him to serve as the nation’s top law enforcement officer.
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“Having a well respected judge as attorney general will help get the department out of the quagmire of partisan politics that many people think it devolved to under President Trump and Attorney General [William] Barr,” said Georgetown University law professor Paul Butler.

Early years and a Hollywood inspiration

After clerking for Justice William Brennan on the Supreme Court, Garland took a job as an adviser in President Jimmy Carter’s Justice Department. In those years after Watergate, department leaders struggled to separate partisan influence from law enforcement and establish new boundaries for the FBI. Some of the biggest investigations of that era, in which Garland played a bit part, later found their way onto movie screens.

“American Hustle, about the Abscam case; Argo, about the exfiltration of hostages in Iran; and most important, the Miracle on Ice, which was about the Lake Placid Olympics, where I did work on the security for the Olympics,” Garland recalled to an audience at his alma mater, Harvard Law School, in 2016.

Garland told former Harvard Law dean Martha Minow he didn’t start out with his mindset on the law. Rather, he wanted to help people, one on one, so he planned to become a doctor. But his collision with chemistry and math spun him toward the legal profession, where he’s searched to build that sort of direct connection ever since.

In 2016, Judge Merrick Garland was President Barack Obama’s nominee to the Supreme Court. Five years later, he is President Biden’s pick to lead the Department of Justice. Above, Garland stands with Obama and Biden in the Rose Garden after being introduced as Obama’s nominee.
Pablo Martinez Monsivais/AP

In the mid-1980s, Garland became a rising star at the Arnold & Porter law firm in Washington, D.C. Unusual among his peers, he made time for a young college graduate, Randy Thompson, who worked in the firm’s copy center too. Thompson said Garland reviewed one of his papers, photocopied it and rearranged the paragraphs. 

“That was the beginning of, in essence, him becoming a writing coach for me, and it was just extraordinary experience and he became my coach, eventually my mentor, and 30-something years later, a friend,” Thompson said.

Eventually, Garland wrote him a reference for law school, attended his graduation and has kept in touch ever since. Thompson said Garland is still a little old school, still humble and still looking to help.

“The only thing that really has changed about him, and I guess me as well, is the color of our hair,” he said with a laugh.

A return to government

Garland spent several years at the firm, before a judge advised him that he was “wasting his life” and he should rejoin the government instead. He took that advice, and by the early 1990s, Garland was prosecuting a violent gang that terrorized people in a public housing project and helping advance a case against D.C.’s then-mayor, Marion Barry, on drug charges.

Back inside Justice Department headquarters, Garland became the man to see for the hardest problems. On April 19, 1995, a truck bomb tore apart the federal building in Oklahoma City, killing 168 people. Former Deputy Attorney General Jamie Gorelick remembers watching that day, with Garland at her side.

Texas and California may be worlds apart in their politics and climate policies, but they have something in common: Extreme weather crashed their power grids and left people stranded in the dark.

The two sprawling, politically potent states have devoted massive sums to their power networks over the past two decades — California to produce huge amounts of wind and solar energy, Texas to create an efficient, go-it-alone electricity market built on gas, coal, nuclear and wind. But neither could keep the lights on in the face of the type of brutal weather that scientists call a taste of a changing climate.

That presents both an opportunity and a challenge for President Joe Biden, potentially aiding his efforts to draw support from lawmakers and states for his multitrillion-dollar proposals to harden the nation’s energy infrastructure to withstand climate change. But he’s already facing entrenched resistance to his pledges to shift the nation to renewable energy by 2035 — including from fossil fuel advocates who have sought to scapegoat wind and solar for the energy woes in both states.

The catastrophe this week in Texas left more than 4 million people in the dark and the cold, and even more without clean water, when a rare blast of Arctic air drove temperatures down, freezing both natural gas plants and wind turbines.

Texas “planned more for heatwaves than for ice storms,” said Dan Reicher, who worked in the Clinton administration’s Energy Department on renewable energy and is now at Stanford University. And the onus now is on figuring out how to prevent a repeat — a tricky situation given the independence of Texas’ grid and sharp opposition from Republicans there to linking up to other states and giving federal regulators oversight of its power system.

So far, the Biden administration has shown little sign of pushing its agenda on Texas, which already leads the nation in wind power. But Congress is eyeing hearings to look at this week’s power failures, which are likely to put a spotlight on the state’s grid.

“How much and how far does the Biden administration want to dig into this from the broader federal perspective? And that remains to be seen,” Reicher said.

Though scientists haven’t definitively tied climate change to the polar vortex that sent temperatures plummeting this week, evidence is starting to show that years of rising temperatures in the Arctic may be playing a role in altering the path of the jet stream that fed the frigid winds into the southern states.

“The way I think about it is you’re opening the door to the freezer,” said Katharine Hayhoe, atmospheric scientist and professor of political science at Texas Tech University.

And while Texas A&M University climate scientist Andrew Dessler said the link to climate change hadn’t been settled, it’s undeniable that climate change is fueling more “tail risk” events that were once considered rare. And both Texas and California, which suffered both a devastating heat wave and record wildfires last year, present important questions for how to safeguard critical infrastructure in a warmer world.

“It’s kind of the insurance question,” Dessler said. “How much do you pay for insurance and take the chance that you’ll never use it, versus not having insurance and then getting wiped out?”

California has been experiencing the effects of climate change on its grid for years — wildfires that threaten transmission have grown in size and duration, heat waves have increased in intensity and duration, and droughts in the Northwest are restricting crucial supplies of hydropower. In response to mounting liabilities from wildfire damages, which forced utility Pacific Gas & Electric Company into bankruptcy in 2019, the state’s utilities have increasingly been shutting off transmission lines during wind storms in order to reduce the likelihood of sparking blazes.

In an effort to reduce carbon emissions and bring more power generation in-state, California set aggressive renewable targets, increasing the amount of solar capacity on its grid in the past decade to 27 gigawatts in 2019, more than one-third of the nation’s solar output, according to the Solar Energy Industries Association. And to balance its grid, it’s helped build an 11-state power market that enables it to export excess solar power during the day and draw in electricity from other sources after sunset.

But August’s unplanned blackouts — the state’s first since the energy crisis of 2000-2001 — underscored other weaknesses in California’s grid. A state analysis of the failures that shut off power for 490,000 customers for two hours one night and 320,000 customers for less time another night, pinned blame on the historic West-wide heat wave, which saw demand surge and limited the amount of power California could import from other states. But it also pointed to the state’s high proportion of renewables, which see their electricity output drop sharply as the sun goes down, requiring other power plants to ramp up quickly — and which they were unable to do that week.

Like California, Texas suffered from an energy shortage at a key moment: In the space of an hour early Monday morning, 30 gigawatts of generation — one quarter of the state’s entire capacity — dropped off the grid just as a deep freeze drove demand up to levels usually only seen in summer. That led to several days of blackouts affecting 4.4 million Texas customers.
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Texas’ problems may stem partly from its an open market rules that differ from markets in other regions around the country, many of which require a “capacity market” where power producers commit to keep their plants available years in the future. When the cold snap descended on the state, curbing shipments of natural gas and freezing wind turbines, several power plants that could have helped fill the gap were off line for maintenance.

And the state also failed to heed the warnings from a report on a similar freeze in 2011, which called for insulating generators to protect against the cold — a costly fix, but one that could have mitigated the outages.

Experts say increasing the connections around the country that allow power to move long distances could help prevent future blackouts.

Michael Wara, director of the climate and energy program at Stanford University’s Woods Institute for the Environment, said both Texas and California could benefit from greater coordination with their neighbors — and Biden can help with that.

“There’s a shared dilemma between our situations, and it relates to how to take account of the weather extremes associated with climate change,” he said. “In both situations, the real world exceeded, by a large margin, the planned-for extreme case.”

Texas has resisted that strategy, and by refusing to cross state lines, the state has kept federal regulators away from its power grid. That’s left it on its own when resources fail to meet demand — as they nearly have several times in recent years when summer heat pushed the system to its limits.

“There’s a lot of finger pointing by politicians in Texas right now, but there’s some very painful lessons for them in terms of the way their market is run,” said V. John White, executive director of the Center for Energy Efficiency and Renewable Technologies. “One of the weaknesses of Texas is they’re not connected very well to any other part of the country.”

While the immediate focus there is restoring power across the state, some have started to look ahead to how the grid can prepare for the future.

“The one common element from the California situation and what appears to be the case in Texas, is weather,” Richard Glick, chair of the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, told reporters Thursday. “All the experts tell us this type of wild unanticipated weather is going to happen much more frequently than has happened in the past. It’s incumbent on us and others to ensure the grid is more resilient against those particular extreme weather events.”

Glick questioned whether Texas should continue its go-it-alone approach, noting that nearby states with access to generation over transmission lines managed to recover more quickly from the deep freeze, including much of the upper Midwest and even El Paso and Lubbock, Texas, which operate outside Texas’ primary network. That Midwest power network is managed by grid operators linked to the rest of the country and suffered rolling blackouts on Monday and Tuesday, but largely recovered by Wednesday.

Power grid experts have called for a massive build-out of transmission lines for decades to ensure that energy supply problems those suffered by California and Texas suffered could be alleviated by supplanting supplies from downed power plants with electricity from other parts of the country, or even from Canada and Mexico. That’s an approach the Biden administration is likely to try to take, but they’ll need to come up with a way to driving the billions or trillions of spending needed and figure out how to clear away the bureaucratic problems that have slowed the process for decades.

“The problem is not that transmission providers are looking for handouts,” said Larry Gasteiger, executive director of WIRES, a transmission builders association. “If the transmission [needs are] identified and put into a transmission plan, we’ll build it. Two real areas that are stumbling blocks for getting more transmission infrastructure built: One is permitting and siting, the other is cost allocation. Who pays for it.”

Green groups generally agree that more transmission is needed — linking rural areas with lots of sun and wind with population centers will be key to decarbonizing the grid — but they don’t think more wires will be the end of the process. Instead, they point to new technologies, like developing “microgrids” that are less reliant on distant power supplies and rolling out batteries that can store power for when it’s needed.

“First and foremost, we need to recognize, we probably can’t prevent every outage of this kind that we’re probably going to be seeing over the next 30 years,” said Mark Dyson, a principal for electric power with the clean energy think tank Rocky Mount Institute. “It’s well past time to recognize a fundamental vulnerability of the power system and take advantage of where we are now with digital technologies, more distributed technology, storage, and flexibility and deal with the root cause and not play whack a mole with these large scale systems.”

Republicans are unlikely to embrace an infrastructure bill laden with green energy incentives, such as the one Biden plans. But some conservatives argue that the bill could do a lot to make the energy grid more resilient to weather events.

“It looks like an infrastructure bill is likely to move and it will include energy provisions,” said former Republican FERC Commissioner Bernard McNamee, now a partner at the law firm of McGuire Woods.

“He basically said while watching children being pulled out of the wreckage, that he had to go,” Gorelick said. “He really wanted to go. We both had young children at the time and what we saw on those screens was so affecting.”

Garland would soon travel to the site of the most deadly domestic terror plot in American history. He oversaw the search warrants, protected the chain of evidence and insisted that reporters have access to court proceedings.

“We wanted somebody who could make sure that the investigation was done by the book and that any indictment was bulletproof,” Gorelick said.

In this April 27, 1995, photo, Merrick Garland speaks to the media following a hearing for Oklahoma City bomber Timothy McVeigh. Garland was assigned to the case because “we wanted somebody who could make sure that the investigation was done by the book and that any indictment was bulletproof,” said former Deputy Attorney General Jamie Gorelick.
Rick Bowmer/AP

Prosecutors later convicted Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols for their role in that bombing.

Former prosecutor Beth Wilkinson says Garland played an important role in other confrontations with extremists in those years, including a lengthy 1996 standoff with the heavily armed Montana Freemen. The Justice Department and the FBI were eager to avoid a repeat of deadly incidents in Waco, Texas, and Ruby Ridge, Idaho, only a few years earlier.

“One of the examples I can think of is sometimes when there were these stand downs where there would be, you know, arrest warrants for someone or there would be some kind of controversy between people who were challenging the federal government, Merrick’s first instinct wasn’t to go in and arrest everyone,” Wilkinson said. “It was to try — along with the FBI — to see if those disputes could be resolved.”

Wilkinson said the FBI went on to arrest the men in the Montana standoff months later. She credited Garland’s quick thinking and cool head with preventing what could have been a tragic outcome.

“He’s not an ideologue”

Just about the only criticism Garland’s nomination has drawn is in the area of civil rights, where his record is less robust.

“Garland is a moderate so I don’t see him as the bold and visionary leader on racial justice that some people were hoping for,” said Georgetown’s Butler. “That he’s not an ideologue is both good news and concerning for people who want an attorney general to meet this moment of national reckoning inspired by the movement for Black Lives and the killing of George Floyd.”

Former President Donald Trump will speak at the Conservative Political Action Conference in Orlando, Florida, next Sunday, according to a source familiar with the matter, while former Vice President Mike Pence declined an invitation to speak at the conference, two sources told CNN.
One source said organizers still hope to change Pence’s mind about attending, while another source said Pence is planning to stay under the radar for the next six months. Politico first reported that Pence declined the invitation.
The divergence between the two former leaders, which comes as the GOP is grappling with its future in the wake of the Trump presidency, follows tensions between Trump and Pence surrounding the January 6 riot at the US Capitol and Pence’s role certifying the results of the election for President Joe Biden.

“We accept Joe Biden is the duly elected president of the United States,” former Pence chief of staff Marc Short told CNN’s Pamela Brown on “Newsroom” Saturday evening, despite Pence playing a role in perpetuating baseless election fraud theories that Trump repeatedly pushed ahead of the attack on the Capitol.
Unlike Trump, Pence attended Biden’s inauguration in Washington, DC, last month — after skipping Trump’s farewell ceremony.
Short said Saturday that Trump and Pence “departed amicably” and that they’ve spoken since.
The source familiar with Trump’s plans to attend CPAC, who is also familiar with the former President’s speech, told CNN on Saturday that “he’ll be talking about the future of the Republican Party and the conservative movement.”
“Also look for the 45th President to take on President Biden’s disastrous amnesty and border policies,” the source added.
The speaking engagement would mark Trump’s first public appearance following his departure from the White House last month and comes as senior Republicans are split over how to treat the former President, with his loyalists paying him visits recently in Florida.
One of Trump’s campaign managers, Brad Parscale, met with the former President at his club in Mar-a-Lago this week for a lengthy meeting, according to a source familiar. Utah Sen. Mike Lee is holding a fundraiser at Mar-a-Lago Saturday night, according to another source familiar, a potential sign of more visits to come.
Rep. Steve Scalise of Louisiana, the No. 2 House Republican, met privately with Trump on Tuesday at Mar-a-Lago, CNN reported, the day before Senate Republican leader Mitch McConnell vowed never to do so.
The simmering feud between Trump and McConnell has escalated in recent days, raising questions about whether the two can ever work together for the future of the GOP.
Trump went after McConnell in a lengthy statement released Tuesday night after McConnell harshly criticized the former President from the Senate floor last Saturday and in an op-ed on Monday in the Wall Street Journal, despite voting to acquit Trump in his second impeachment trial.
In his Tuesday statement, Trump vowed to endorse candidates in Senate primaries who espouse his world view — something that could lead to a clash with McConnell’s preferred candidates as the seven-term senator pushes Republicans whom he believes stand the best chance of winning in next year’s midterm elections.
That tension underscores the divide among top Republicans over how to navigate the party post-Trump. Unlike McConnell, House GOP Leader Kevin McCarthy went down to South Florida after the January 6 attack on the Capitol to meet with Trump and later proclaim unity with him in trying to take back the House in 2022.

But McCarthy leads a conference where a majority of members are strongly supportive of Trump — unlike Senate Republicans, who are split over the former President and where some top leaders are eager to move past him and focus instead on uniting the party around ideas, not a person.

Butler said he thinks Garland will take his cues on racial justice from the White House. And, he said, the civil rights community will be cheered by other members of the leadership team Biden has announced for the Justice Department, including civil rights advocate Vanita Gupta, nominated to be associate attorney general, and Kristen Clarke, to lead the department’s civil rights division.
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Wade Henderson, of the Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights, said Garland is up to the task. But Henderson said it’s a big one.

“The next attorney general, for example, has to do everything in his or her power to fight for voting rights, police reform, criminal justice reform and LGBTQ equality,” he said.

Protecting employees

For the past 24 years, Garland has been a federal judge for the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit. In that role, Garland doesn’t have much of a chance to share his personal views.

Carolyn Lerner, who once headed the U.S. Office of Special Counsel and now serves as chief D.C. Circuit mediator, said Garland took an early and important lead to update policies that protect employees from sexual harassment and other workplace misconduct.

“I think it’s very clear that Judge Garland cares a lot about these issues and he really wants employees to be happy and comfortable in the workplace and when he was chief judge he took his responsibility to these employees very seriously,” Lerner said.

Lerner said Garland wants to continue another of his projects at the Justice Department: tutoring sessions with a young public school student.

This year, the judge is working with an 11-year-old boy and his twin sister. Their mom, Andrea Tucker, said Garland plays math games with them on Zoom, sometimes joined by his wife.

“He makes it so interactive for them and so much fun and they can’t get enough of it,” Tucker said.

Turns out, it’s the kind of public service that Garland has always wanted to do — even if it includes math.

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happened. Instead, Trump dug in, abetted by conservative media, which amplified and gave traction to his false claims.



When the annual Conservative Political Action Conference — CPAC for short — kicks off Thursday in Orlando, Fla., it might as well be called TPAC.

That’s because this year, it is all about Trump.

The former president will headline the event with a Sunday afternoon keynote address, his first speech since leaving office last month.

It comes as the Republican Party is struggling with its identity after Donald Trump’s presidency. And yet CPAC, the largest gathering of conservative activists in the U.S., will still very much be a pro-Trump event.

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The conference, organized and sponsored by the American Conservative Union, will even keep alive Trump’s false claims of election fraud with several panels on the topic with names like “Other Culprits: Why Judges & Media Refused to Look at the Evidence,” “The Left Pulled the Strings, Covered It Up, and Even Admits It” and “Failed States (PA, GA, NV, oh my!).”

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“We’re going to spend a lot of time looking at what happened in these states,” Matt Schlapp, chairman of the ACU, said on CNN this week. Schlapp claimed to have “proof” of “widespread voter fraud in the last election,” yet presented none on air.

He went on to say that “Joe Biden is my president” and that “he won the election,” but then pivoted, raising suspicion: “That doesn’t mean that there wasn’t voter fraud and voter irregularity in the last election.”

Schlapp — a lobbyist and husband of Mercedes Schlapp, who worked in the Trump White House — is walking the same line other Republicans have been, between the truth and conspiracies that are popular with Trump and his base.

CPAC didn’t used to be so MAGA. In fact, Trump snubbed the conference in 2016 after a dispute over speech ground rules and wanting him to answer questions at the event.

Five years later, though, the political world — as well as the grassroots conservative movement — has changed substantially.

And, now, at this annual cattle call, there’s no penning Trump in.

Trump put the 2024 field on ice — and he likes it that way

In his speech, Trump is expected to draw distinctions with President Biden, particularly when it comes to immigration, which was an animating issue for the GOP base during Trump’s political tenure.

He is also expected to speak about the future of the Republican Party, and he very much wants to be seen as not just a player but the player — the “presumptive 2024 nominee,” in fact, as Axios reports.

Trump’s dangling of running again has effectively frozen the GOP field. CPAC has, for decades, been a place where presidential hopefuls have tested out their messages and possible depth of support.

A handful of would-be presidential hopefuls will be on hand this year, including Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, South Dakota Gov. Kristi Noem and former Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker, as well as Sens. Ted Cruz of Texas, Tom Cotton of Arkansas and Josh Hawley of Missouri.

They are in an awkward holding pattern, but while ambitious potential candidates might want Trump out of the way, they want his voters even more.

That’s why people like former South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley, Trump’s former ambassador to the United Nations, tried to meet with Trump at Mar-a-Lago, his Florida home, to make sure they’re still on good terms.

But after Haley was critical of the former president in a recent profile, Trump reportedly turned down the meeting. As of Wednesday evening, Haley is not on the CPAC speakers list.

Former Vice President Mike Pence, seen here after arriving back in his hometown of Columbus, Ind., on Jan. 20, has declined an invitation to speak at CPAC.
Michael Conroy/AP
Former Vice President Mike Pence, who also very much has presidential ambitions, was targeted by the mob of Trump supporters who stormed the Capitol on Jan. 6.

“Hang Mike Pence!” some chanted, as he presided over a usually ceremonial counting of the electoral votes.

Pence had to be escorted out of the Capitol for his safety, but even as the riot was unfolding, Trump lashed out at Pence on Twitter (where Trump is now banned). He said Pence “didn’t have the courage to do what should have been done” to overturn the election results — something Pence had no real power to do.

Still, despite reported tension between the two following Jan. 6, Pence told former congressional colleagues this week that he and Trump maintain a good relationship. He told them he’s forming a political organization that will defend the work of their administration.

But Pence declined an invitation to speak at CPAC.

Trump’s lofty status and an event that has changed — a lot

CPAC has taken on many different forms over the years.

To show just how much it has changed recently, consider that in 2007, 2008, 2009 and 2012, Mitt Romney, the 2012 Republican presidential nominee, was the crowd favorite, winning the conference’s straw poll each of those four years.

But the now-Utah senator — who has been a vocal Trump critic and voted for Trump’s conviction on impeachment charges twice — is persona non grata at this Trumpy variation of CPAC.

There was also a strong libertarian strain, particularly among young attendees. Either former Texas Rep. Ron Paul or his son, Kentucky Sen. Rand Paul, were the picks of the CPAC crowd in 2010, 2011, 2013, 2014 and 2015. But that is all but gone. Rand Paul declined an invitation to this year’s conference, as he has in recent years.

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That Trump retains in this lofty perch within the Republican Party is somewhat remarkable. When he came into office, the party controlled all the levers of power in Washington — the House, the Senate and, with his election, the White House.

Now, it controls none.

Part of how Trump has retained his hold on the rank and file is by convincing tens of millions of them that the election was stolen from him.

Trump went on a months-long disinformation campaign discrediting Biden’s victory. His inaccurate fraud claims and conspiracy theories were disproved by dozens of courts, but the depth of support for his false grievance was made plain by the thousands of his flag-waving supporters who participated in the Jan. 6 violence.

There was no peaceful transfer of power, and Trump has yet to acknowledge that he lost fair and square. For months, Trump was also enabled by elected Republican leaders who knew better and later acknowledged that Biden won legitimately.

That includes Republican leaders like Sen. Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., and Rep. Kevin McCarthy, R-Calif. They seemed to be hoping that if they gave Trump room to protest the election results through the courts, then he would come around once there were rulings.

That never happened. Instead, Trump dug in, abetted by conservative media, which amplified and gave traction to his false claims.

After Jan. 6, McConnell publicly rebuked Trump, blaming him for the riot. That landed McConnell in a very public feud with the most popular person in his party.

McCarthy — who has done head-snapping reversals over the years when it comes to Trump — first went McConnell’s path, saying Trump “bears responsibility” for the Capitol violence. But he quickly reversed course, making up with Trump in a fence-mending trip to Mar-a-Lago.

On Wednesday, McCarthy was asked if he believes Trump should be speaking at CPAC. “Yes, he should,” McCarthy said during a news conference on Capitol Hill.

Wyoming Rep. Liz Cheney — who is in House GOP leadership but voted for Trump’s impeachment — was then asked for her view.

“That’s up to CPAC,” Cheney said. “I’ve been clear in my views about President Trump and the extent to which, following Jan. 6, I don’t think he should be playing a role in the future of the party or the country.”

“On that high note, thank you all very much,” McCarthy said to laughs, as he walked off.

McCarthy participates in a panel Saturday afternoon at CPAC on “Winning Back America.” Neither McConnell nor Cheney will be appearing.

CPAC has also shown a willingness to exclude not just those who don’t line up with Trump but also some with odious and controversial views.

It’s ironic, considering this year’s CPAC theme is “America Uncanceled,” but after a left-leaning watchdog group found that one listed speaker had made anti-Semitic comments, he was disinvited.

The speaker was offended and accused CPAC of the same thing conservatives often say of Big Tech companies and universities.

“I feel like I’m being silenced,” he said. “I feel like my rights are being violated. Basically I’m being censored.”

Conservatives have complained that social media sites, like Twitter and Facebook, are biased because they have banned or removed content.

Posts have been removed because the sites determined they were false or misleading or promoted conspiracies that could lead to violence — the kind of conspiracies that went mainstream during Trump’s presidency and led to the Jan. 6 Capitol insurrection.

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Suryakumar Yadav’s bat slaughtered, rained sixes and scored a century in just 50 balls



Mumbai batsman Suryakumar Yadav has once again presented his stormy batting sample in the Vijay Hazare Trophy. In the match being played against Puducherry in Jaipur, Suryakumar has proved his selection in the Indian team by scoring a century from 50 balls. Thanks to this stormy innings by Suryakumar, Mumbai’s team has moved towards a huge score. Suryakumar hit 17 fours and two sixes to complete the century.

Suryakumar Yadav had been knocking on the doors of the Indian team for a long time. This time his hard work has paid off. Suryakumar Yadav has been selected for the first time in the Indian team for the five-match T20 series against England. After this stormy century, he in a way justified his selection. Mumbai has crossed the 400 mark due to this innings of Suryakumar.

After completing the century, Suryakumar Yadav took a more dangerous stance. He hit five fours and two sixes off eight balls. Pankaj Singh put the brakes on Suryakumar Yadav’s pace. On the last ball of the 47th over of the innings, when Suryakumar went for another big shot, Sangnakal Singh caught him and ended his stormy innings. Suryakumar scored a total of 133 runs, for which he faced only 58 balls. In his Atishi innings, Suryakumar hit 22 fours and four sixes.

Mumbai scored 211 for two in 29.5 overs. Suryakumar stepped on the wicket after Adikya Tare was dismissed. He was with Prithvi, who was already playing a stormy innings, and brought a tsunami of runs to his rhythm. Suryakumar and Prithvi shared 201 runs for the third wicket. The partnership ended with Suryakumar being dismissed.

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When Dhoni left, the bowlers burst, 44 runs in 9 balls in a smashing century, the view of Badla Stadium



Kedar Jadhav has put a stop to his poor form. He has responded with his bat being removed from Chennai Super Kings. This old captain of Dhoni scored a lot by showcasing his bat in Vijay Hazare Trophy. The Maharashtra middle-order batsman scored 101 off 93 balls in the match against Rajasthan and remained unbeaten till the end. On the strength of his innings, Maharashtra’s team managed to score a big score in 50 overs. Maharashtra batted first in the match.

Rituraj Gaikwad and informed Yash Nahar gave the team a good start. But as soon as I saw it, the innings started to falter. The team took 5 wickets for 150 runs. In such a situation, Kedar Jadhav tested the fragility of the occasion and handled it with his own experience. Kedar Jadhav played an unbeaten innings of 101 runs in 93 balls. He scored 44 runs in just 9 balls in his smoky innings. That is, the story of 44 out of 101 Kedar hit 5 fours and 4 sixes.

During this innings, Kedar also wrote the script of a century partnership with Satyajit for the sixth wicket. The effect of Kedar’s century was that the Maharashtra team lost 5 wickets for only 151 runs at a time. She reached 270 for 6. When Maharashtra’s entire innings was 50 overs, their score was 277 runs on the board. And, this was possible due to Kedar Jadhav.

Kedar Jadhav was a part of CSK in the last IPL season. However, in the IPL 2021 auction SRH bid him and added him to him. Sunrisers bought Jadhav for his base price of Rs 2 crore. Certainly, after this performance by Jadhav, Hyderabad’s IPL team will surely be tickling with their bets.

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