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Money Heist 5: Netflix Announces The Finale Season, Fans Lose Their Calm! (View Post)

And the much awaited moment is here! After various theories and speculations, the announcement of the fifth seaoson

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Money Heist 5: Netflix Announces The Finale Season, Fans Lose Their Calm! (View Post)

And the much moment is here! After various theories and speculations, the announcement of the fifth seaoson of La Casa de Papel is here! Yes, Money Heist season 5 is officially announced by Netflix to the delight of the fans. However, the bad news is it also hints it to be the last season ever, probably ending the show. The fans are obviously losing their calm on social media.

Netflix’s official account posted the picture of the Dali mask on the ground, smeared with mud. The caption reads as, “part 5: the heist comes to an end. #lacasadepapel #moneyheist.” The post has opened up the bag of memories of the fans and they are expressing their thoughts on the new and last season of the popular Spanish series.

Netflix Announcement:

Reactions!

Every Money Heist Fan Now

#MoneyHeist season 5 is final

Me- pic.twitter.com/LpwhparcnZ

— The New Memer (@DivyanshuSam) July 31, 2020

Tissues Please

Who else is crying…. 5th season the last season 🤐😑😲 #MoneyHeist #LaCasaDePapel5 pic.twitter.com/ma9WSi5eQ4

— don’t_mind_me (@jasssmeett) July 31, 2020

Request For Extension

Please atleast extend the season upto 6-7😭 Ending in season 5 itself is not done! We will badly miss the HEIST!❤️ It will always be in special place in our 💓 #MoneyHeist5#MoneyHeist#LaCasaDePapel5 @lacasadepapel pic.twitter.com/WwrQ206Hqt

— Ukkasha😈 (@smart_ukkasha) July 31, 2020

Release It Already

#MoneyHeist season 5 will be last#MoneyHeist5

Me waiting for Season 5- pic.twitter.com/CfjFgFvKxR

— Civil_memer07 (@Abhi_SM07) July 31, 2020

Actual Footage

#MoneyHeist5 #MoneyHeist

People waiting for finale season:- pic.twitter.com/3KF0NcrlKv

— Shubham (@iconic_shubham) July 31, 2020

Processing The Information

I can’t believe season 5 is the finale for #MoneyHeist 💔💔 pic.twitter.com/dxod1fpffQ

— Vijayan Vijay (@vijayan_vijay26) July 31, 2020

Wait Seems Like Forever

me waiting anxiously for season 5 be like – 🙌🏻#MoneyHeist #LaCasaDePapel5 https://t.co/AeeJaidhed pic.twitter.com/vmISO6VXvK

— ✤ 𝐓 (@notyourrtea) July 31, 2020

Alvaro Morte aka also shared the same image on his Instagram account. He wrote, “It looks like we are coming to an end…” The last episode of season 4 had a cliffhanger ending, making everyone curious about the next part. It is also reported that the Professor’s closing act will include new characters played by Miguel Ángel Silvestre and Patrick Criado. What are your thoughts on watching Professor and his , one last time?

(The above story first appeared on onhike on Jul 31, 2020 09:55 PM IST. For more news and updates on politics, world, sports, entertainment and lifestyle, log on to our website onhike.com).

Charles recently joined the team, and he writes for the Headline column of the website. He has done major in English, and a having a diploma in Journalism. He has worked for more than 1.5 years in a media house. Now, he joined our team as a contributor for covering the latest US headlines. He is smart both by him looks and nature. He is very good with everyone in the team.

General

The Senate steered on Friday toward a voting marathon on Democrats’ $1.9 trillion COVID-19 relief bill after enduring

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The Senate steered on Friday toward a voting marathon on Democrats’ $1.9 trillion COVID-19 relief after enduring an extraordinary half-day holdup forced by a Republican foe of President Joe Biden’s top legislative priority.

The chamber planned to begin voting around midday on a mountain of amendments, mostly by GOP opponents and virtually all of which were destined to be rejected. That would set the Senate on course toward approving its reworked version of the massive measure, probably over the weekend, and shipping it back to the House so it could whisk the final package to Biden for his signature.

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——–
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——–

Moments after the Senate took up the legislation Thursday, Sen. Ron Johnson, R-Wis., forced the chamber’s clerks to read aloud the entire 628-page measure. The exhausting task took the staffers 10 hours and 44 minutes and ended shortly after 2 a.m. EST, with Johnson alternately sitting at his desk and pacing around the mostly empty chamber.

SEE ALSO: What is, isn’t in Senate’s version of COVID-19 relief bill

Bill Ritter and guests discuss what to expect some the COVID relief bill

Democratic leaders made more than a dozen late additions to their package on Thursday. That reflected their need to cement unanimous support from all their senators – plus Vice President Kamala Harris’ tie-breaking vote – to succeed in the precariously divided 50-50 chamber.

The Senate’s 51-50 vote to start debating the package, with Harris pushing Democrats over the top, underscored how they were navigating the package through Congress with virtually no margin for error. In the House their majority is a scrawny 10 votes.

The bill, aimed at battling the killer virus and nursing the staggered economy back to health, will provide direct payments of up to $1,400 to most Americans. There’s also money for COVID-19 vaccines and testing, aid to state and local governments, help for schools and the airline industry, tax breaks for lower-earners and families with children, and subsidies for health insurance.

“We are not going to be timid in the face of a great challenge,” said Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y.

SEE ALSO: Could this be final package with stimulus checks?

What’s riding on this negotiation is the $1,400 stimulus checks proposed by Pres. Joe Biden, but could this be the final round?

The new provisions offered items appealing to all manner of Democrats. Progressives got money boosting feeding programs, federal subsidies for health care for workers who lose jobs, tax-free student loans, and money for public broadcasting and consumer protection investigations.

Moderates won funds for rural health care, language assuring minimum amounts of money for smaller states and a prohibition on states receiving aid using the windfalls to cut taxes. And for everyone, there was money for infrastructure, cultural venues, start-up companies and afterschool programs.

Even with the late revisions, there was a good chance lawmakers will make yet another one and vote to pare back the bill’s $400 weekly emergency unemployment benefits to $300.

That potential change could also extend those emergency payments another month, through September. It was described by aides and a lobbyist who spoke on condition of anonymity to describe internal conversations.

Biden and Senate leaders had agreed Wednesday to retain the $400 weekly jobless payments included in the version of the relief bill the House approved Saturday. The reduction to $300 – which seemed likely to occur once the Senate begins a “vote-a-rama” on scores of amendments later this week – seemed to reflect a need to secure support from moderate Democrats.

MORE: Highlights of the COVID relief bill as it heads to the Senate

The COVID relief bill heads to the Senate: What’s in it for you?

It also left House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., the task of keeping her chamber’s numerous progressives on board. Liberals already suffered a blow when their No. 1 priority – a federal minimum wage increase to $15 hourly that was included in the House package – was booted from the bill in the Senate for violating the chamber’s rules and for lack of moderates’ support.

In another bargain that satisfied moderates, Biden and Senate Democrats agreed Wednesday to tighten eligibility for the direct checks to individuals. The new provision completely phases out the $1,400 payments for individuals earning at least $80,000 and couples making $160,000, well lower than the original ceilings.

“My hope is they don’t screw around with it too much,” Rep. Jim McGovern, D-Mass., said of the Senate in an interview. “If they do there could be some problems.”

Congress wants to send the bill to Biden before March 14, when a previous round of emergency benefits for people tossed out of work by the pandemic expires.

Johnson told reporters he was forcing the bill’s reading to “shine the light on this abusive and obscene amount of money. ” Schumer said Johnson would “accomplish little more than a few sore throats for the Senate clerks.”

VIDEO: Biden encourages lawmakers to act ‘quickly and boldy’ on COVID relief bill

President Joe Biden encourages lawmakers to act “decisively, quickly and boldly” after the COVID-19 relief bill passed in the House.

Asked about GOP delays, Biden told reporters he’s talked to Republican lawmakers and added, “We’re keeping everybody informed.” Biden met last month with Republican senators who offered a plan one-third the size of Democrats’ proposal, and there have been no signs since of serious talks.

Johnson’s move pointed to a larger GOP argument: Democrats were ramming an overpriced bill through that disregarded that growing numbers of vaccinations and other signs suggesting the country’s pandemic ordeal is beginning to ease.

“Instead of heading into a dark tunnel, we’re accelerating out of it,” said Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky.
Welcome to Pollapalooza, our weekly polling roundup. And this week, we’re switching up the format a little; let us know your thoughts on it (or any other form you’d like to see Pollapalooza take) by shooting us an email.

Raising the minimum wage is popular
Democrats got some bad news last week when the Senate parliamentarian ruled that the Senate could not include a minimum-wage hike as part of its COVID-19 relief bill. The party’s goal of raising the minimum wage to $15 an hour now faces a more difficult path to passage (had the Senate parliamentarian said it was fine to include, a simple majority in the Senate could have passed it). Now, if the Senate takes it up, it will be as a separate bill that would need to get the support of at least 60 senators.

But arguably, forcing an up-or-down vote on the minimum wage alone is the best leverage its proponents have. Raising the minimum wage is popular with the American public, even as dramatic a raise as to $15 an hour (it is currently $7.25 an hour). This week’s Morning Consult/Politico poll found that registered voters support it 60 percent to 32 percent. An Ipsos/Reuters survey from last month found roughly the same thing: 59 percent of in support and 34 percent in opposition. Monmouth University this week did find less support for it, but even in that survey, 53 percent of adults still supported a $15 minimum wage, while 45 percent were against it.

The higher wage’s popularity could put pressure on swing-state Republicans (not to mention hesitant Democrats like . Joe Manchin and Kyrsten Sinema) to vote for it — and if they don’t, Democrats would be able to attack them on it in their next election, so a policy loss could still be a political win.

How popular is your governor?
Between scandals and recall elections and COVID-19, governors have been in the news a lot lately. Perhaps it’s not a coincidence, then, that we’ve gotten quite a few polls of governors’ approval ratings in the past month.

How governors stack up
Share of respondents in 12 states saying they approve or disapprove of their governor’s job performance, according to polls conducted since Feb. 5

STATE GOVERNOR PARTY APPROVAL DISAPPROVAL NET
MA Charlie Baker R 74 20 +54
NH Chris Sununu R 72 25 +47
UT Spencer Cox R 63 22 +41
TX Greg Abbott R 54 35 +19
WA Jay Inslee D 52 35 +17
FL Ron DeSantis R 55 38 +17
VA Ralph Northam D 49 33 +16
SD Kristi Noem R 55 44 +11
NC Roy Cooper D 49 39 +11
MI Gretchen Whitmer D 52 47 +5
NV Steve Sisolak D 48 43 +5
NY Andrew Cuomo D 48 45 +3
Numbers for Cuomo are an average of five polls; numbers for Abbott are an average of three polls; numbers for DeSantis and Cooper are an average of two polls each. Numbers for all other governors are based on one poll each. When a poll provided numbers among both adults and registered voters, we used registered voters.

SOURCE: POLLS

Because these numbers come from several different pollsters (and some are of adults while others are of registered voters), be careful making direct comparisons between governors — but we can still draw a few undeniable conclusions. For example, Govs. Charlie Baker of Massachusetts and Chris Sununu of New Hampshire are still extremely popular — despite being Republicans in not-very-red states. And although liberals have lambasted them for their permissive COVID-19 safety protocols, Govs. Ron DeSantis of Florida, Kristi Noem of South Dakota and Greg Abbott of Texas are doing just fine politically, with average net approval ratings1 of +17 points, +11 points and +19 points, respectively. (Note that, in Abbott’s case, the polls were all conducted before this week’s announcement that he’d be fully reopening the state. However, there’s good reason to believe that won’t harm his approval rating much.)

On the other hand, Govs. Gretchen Whitmer of Michigan, Steve Sisolak of Nevada and Andrew Cuomo of New York are divisive figures in their home states. That’s perhaps not too surprising for Whitmer and Sisolak, who hail from swing states and won their 2018 elections by close margins. But Cuomo, who earned near-universal acclaim from New Yorkers just one year ago, has experienced quite a fall from grace amid allegations that he harassed or made unwanted advances toward three women and that his administration deliberately undercounted the number of nursing-home residents who died of COVID-19 for political gain. Only two surveys have been conducted since the sexual-harassment scandal gained traction (the numbers above are based on an average of those polls and three older ones), but they contained some of Cuomo’s worst numbers yet: Emerson /WPIX-TV/NewsNation gave him a 38 percent approval rating and a 48 percent disapproval rating, and Quinnipiac University put him at 45 percent approval and 46 percent disapproval.

Several polls asked respondents separate questions about whether they approved of their governor’s handling of the pandemic, and the numbers generally tracked closely with their overall approval ratings. However, it’s hard to know which is influencing the other here. It’s possible that Americans are primarily judging their governors on their coronavirus performances (and thus basing their overall job approval on how they view their governors’ handling of the pandemic) or that Americans are judging governors’ coronavirus performances on whether they support them overall (and thus basing their approval of their governors’ handling of the pandemic on how they view their governors more generally).

Ignore the CPAC straw poll
On Sunday, headlines blared the results of the annual Conservative Political Action Conference straw poll, which found that 55 percent of CPAC attendees wanted former President Donald Trump to be the Republican presidential nominee in 2024. (DeSantis finished second with 21 percent, and Noem was third with 4 percent.) But unfortunately, those headlines did not add some important caveats: The CPAC straw poll is not a scientific poll, and it is not at all predictive of who will actually win the next GOP presidential primary — especially three years beforehand.

In the nearly 50-year history of CPAC, its straw poll has correctly picked the next Republican presidential nominee only six times.2 And most of those times, it was an easy choice: Either the straw poll was happening amid the presidential primaries in the election year itself (1980, 2000, 2012) or there was an incumbent Republican president who was obviously going to be the nominee (1984, 2019). There was only one time the straw poll accurately predicted the nominee this far out (Mitt Romney in 2009). More often, the straw poll winner is someone with special appeal to the activist Republicans who typically populate CPAC, such as Rand Paul in 2013 or Jack Kemp in 1993, rather than someone with broader appeal to voters.

Trump may be the Republican standard-bearer again in 2024. Or he may not. But don’t pay any attention to the CPAC straw poll when trying to guess which it’ll be.

Biden approval

According to FiveThirtyEight’s presidential approval tracker,3 52.7 percent of Americans approve of the job Biden is doing as president, while 38.6 percent disapprove (a net approval rating of +14.2 points). At this time last week, 54.5 percent approved and 38.2 percent disapproved (a net approval rating of +16.3 points). One month ago, Biden had an approval rating of 53.8 percent and a disapproval rating of 35.8 percent, for a net approval rating of +17.9 points.
The economic recovery began to stall late last year as the virus surged, causing a shortfall in hiring in recent months. Employers added just 49,000 jobs in January and cut 227,000 jobs in December. Economists estimate that the February employment report being released Friday will show gains of 175,000, not nearly enough to swiftly recover the nearly 10 million jobs lost to the pandemic-induced recession.

The nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office estimates economic growth will exceed 4% this year without Biden’s rescue package. Republicans cite that as evidence the economy is pointed upward, but Democrats say a strong economic stimulus is still needed to prevent a relapse.

“It’s a crisis that is still very much with us, and it is deadly, deadly serious,” Schumer said.
___

Associated Press writers Josh Boak, Alexandra Jaffe and Lisa Mascaro contributed to this report.




Continue Reading

General

Associated Press writers Josh Boak, Alexandra Jaffe and Lisa Mascaro contributed to this report.

Published

on




The Senate steered on Friday toward a voting marathon on Democrats’ $1.9 trillion COVID-19 relief bill after enduring an extraordinary half-day holdup forced by a Republican foe of President Joe Biden’s top legislative priority.

The chamber planned to begin voting around midday on a mountain of amendments, mostly by GOP opponents and virtually all of which were destined to be rejected. That would set the Senate on course toward approving its reworked version of the massive measure, probably over the weekend, and shipping it back to the House so it could whisk the final package to Biden for his signature.

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https://247sports.com/college/utah/board/102583/contents/joe-djeko-vs-tony-yoka-live-stream-free-online-hd-161893115/
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——–

Moments after the Senate took up the legislation Thursday, Sen. Ron , R-Wis., forced the chamber’s clerks to aloud the entire 628-page measure. The exhausting task took the staffers 10 hours and 44 minutes and ended shortly after 2 a.m. EST, with Johnson alternately sitting at his desk and pacing around the mostly empty chamber.

SEE ALSO: What is, isn’t in Senate’s version of COVID-19 relief bill

Bill Ritter and guests discuss what to expect some the COVID relief bill

Democratic leaders made more than a dozen late additions to their package on Thursday. That reflected their need to cement unanimous support from all their senators – plus Vice President Kamala Harris’ tie-breaking vote – to succeed in the precariously divided 50-50 chamber.

The Senate’s 51-50 vote to start debating the package, with Harris pushing Democrats over the top, underscored how they were navigating the package through Congress with virtually no margin for error. In the House their majority is a scrawny 10 votes.

The bill, aimed at battling the killer virus and nursing the staggered economy back to health, will provide direct payments of up to $1,400 to most Americans. There’s also money for COVID-19 vaccines and testing, aid to state and local governments, help for schools and the airline industry, tax breaks for lower-earners and families with children, and subsidies for health insurance.

“We are not going to be timid in the face of a great challenge,” said Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y.

SEE ALSO: Could this be final package with stimulus checks?

What’s riding on this negotiation is the $1,400 stimulus checks proposed by Pres. Joe Biden, but could this be the final round?

The new provisions offered items appealing to all manner of Democrats. Progressives got money boosting feeding programs, federal subsidies for health care for workers who lose jobs, tax-free student loans, and money for public broadcasting and consumer protection investigations.

Moderates won funds for rural health care, language assuring minimum amounts of money for smaller states and a prohibition on states receiving aid using the windfalls to cut taxes. And for everyone, there was money for infrastructure, cultural venues, start-up companies and afterschool programs.

Even with the late revisions, there was a good chance lawmakers will make yet another one and vote to pare back the bill’s $400 weekly emergency unemployment benefits to $300.

That potential change could also extend those emergency payments another month, through September. It was described by aides and a lobbyist who spoke on condition of anonymity to describe internal conversations.

Biden and Senate leaders had agreed Wednesday to retain the $400 weekly jobless payments included in the version of the relief bill the House approved Saturday. The reduction to $300 – which seemed likely to occur once the Senate begins a “vote-a-rama” on scores of amendments later this week – seemed to reflect a need to secure support from moderate Democrats.

MORE: of the COVID relief bill as it heads to the Senate

The COVID relief bill heads to the Senate: What’s in it for you?

It also left House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., the task of keeping her chamber’s numerous progressives on board. Liberals already suffered a blow when their No. 1 priority – a federal minimum wage increase to $15 hourly that was included in the House package – was booted from the bill in the Senate for violating the chamber’s rules and for lack of moderates’ support.

In another bargain that satisfied moderates, Biden and Senate Democrats agreed Wednesday to tighten eligibility for the direct checks to individuals. The new provision completely phases out the $1,400 payments for individuals earning at least $80,000 and couples making $160,000, well lower than the original ceilings.

“My hope is they don’t screw around with it too much,” Rep. Jim McGovern, D-Mass., said of the Senate in an interview. “If they do there could be some problems.”

Congress wants to send the bill to Biden before March 14, when a previous round of emergency benefits for people tossed out of work by the pandemic expires.

Johnson told reporters he was forcing the bill’s reading to “shine the light on this abusive and obscene amount of money. ” Schumer said Johnson would “accomplish little more than a few sore throats for the Senate clerks.”

VIDEO: Biden encourages lawmakers to act ‘quickly and boldy’ on COVID relief bill

President Joe Biden encourages lawmakers to act “decisively, quickly and boldly” after the COVID-19 relief bill passed in the House.

Asked about GOP delays, Biden told reporters he’s talked to Republican lawmakers and added, “We’re keeping everybody informed.” Biden met last month with Republican senators who offered a plan one-third the size of Democrats’ proposal, and there have been no signs since of serious talks.

Johnson’s move pointed to a larger GOP argument: Democrats were ramming an overpriced bill through that disregarded that growing numbers of vaccinations and other signs suggesting the country’s pandemic ordeal is beginning to ease.

“Instead of heading into a dark tunnel, we’re accelerating out of it,” said Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky.
Welcome to Pollapalooza, our weekly polling roundup. And this week, we’re switching up the format a little; let us know your thoughts on it (or any other form you’d like to see Pollapalooza take) by shooting us an email.

Raising the minimum wage is popular
Democrats got some bad news last week when the Senate parliamentarian ruled that the Senate could not include a minimum-wage hike as part of its COVID-19 relief bill. The party’s goal of raising the minimum wage to $15 an hour now faces a more difficult path to passage (had the Senate parliamentarian said it was fine to include, a simple majority in the Senate could have passed it). Now, if the Senate takes it up, it will be as a separate bill that would need to get the support of at least 60 senators.

But arguably, forcing an up-or-down vote on the minimum wage alone is the best leverage its proponents have. Raising the minimum wage is popular with the American public, even as dramatic a raise as to $15 an hour (it is currently $7.25 an hour). This week’s Morning Consult/Politico poll found that registered voters support it 60 percent to 32 percent. An Ipsos/Reuters survey from last month found roughly the same thing: 59 percent of adults in support and 34 percent in opposition. Monmouth University this week did find less support for it, but even in that survey, 53 percent of adults still supported a $15 minimum wage, while 45 percent were against it.

The higher wage’s popularity could put pressure on swing-state Republicans (not to mention hesitant Democrats like Sens. Joe Manchin and Kyrsten Sinema) to vote for it — and if they don’t, Democrats would be able to attack them on it in their next election, so a policy loss could still be a political win.

How popular is your governor?
Between scandals and recall elections and COVID-19, governors have been in the news a lot lately. Perhaps it’s not a coincidence, then, that we’ve gotten quite a few polls of governors’ approval ratings in the past month.

How governors stack up
Share of respondents in 12 states saying they approve or disapprove of their governor’s job performance, according to polls conducted since Feb. 5

STATE GOVERNOR PARTY APPROVAL DISAPPROVAL NET
MA Charlie Baker R 74 20 +54
NH Chris Sununu R 72 25 +47
UT Spencer Cox R 63 22 +41
TX Greg Abbott R 54 35 +19
WA Jay Inslee D 52 35 +17
FL Ron DeSantis R 55 38 +17
VA Ralph Northam D 49 33 +16
SD Kristi Noem R 55 44 +11
NC Roy Cooper D 49 39 +11
MI Gretchen Whitmer D 52 47 +5
NV Steve Sisolak D 48 43 +5
NY Andrew Cuomo D 48 45 +3
Numbers for Cuomo are an average of five polls; numbers for Abbott are an average of three polls; numbers for DeSantis and Cooper are an average of two polls each. Numbers for all other governors are based on one poll each. When a poll provided numbers among both adults and registered voters, we used registered voters.

SOURCE: POLLS

Because these numbers come from several different pollsters (and some are of adults while others are of registered voters), be careful making direct comparisons between governors — but we can still draw a few undeniable conclusions. For example, Govs. Charlie Baker of Massachusetts and Chris Sununu of New Hampshire are still extremely popular — despite being Republicans in not-very-red states. And although liberals have lambasted them for their permissive COVID-19 safety protocols, Govs. Ron DeSantis of Florida, Kristi Noem of South Dakota and Greg Abbott of Texas are doing just fine politically, with average net approval ratings1 of +17 points, +11 points and +19 points, respectively. (Note that, in Abbott’s case, the polls were all conducted before this week’s announcement that he’d be fully reopening the state. However, there’s good reason to believe that won’t harm his approval rating much.)

On the other hand, Govs. Gretchen Whitmer of Michigan, Steve Sisolak of Nevada and Andrew Cuomo of New York are divisive figures in their home states. That’s perhaps not too surprising for Whitmer and Sisolak, who hail from swing states and won their 2018 elections by close margins. But Cuomo, who earned near- acclaim from New Yorkers just one year ago, has experienced quite a fall from grace amid allegations that he sexually harassed or made unwanted advances toward three women and that his administration deliberately undercounted the number of nursing-home residents who died of COVID-19 for political gain. Only two surveys have been conducted since the sexual-harassment scandal gained traction (the numbers above are based on an average of those polls and three older ones), but they contained some of Cuomo’s worst numbers yet: Emerson College/WPIX-TV/NewsNation gave him a 38 percent approval rating and a 48 percent disapproval rating, and Quinnipiac University put him at 45 percent approval and 46 percent disapproval.

Several polls asked respondents separate questions about whether they approved of their governor’s handling of the pandemic, and the numbers generally tracked closely with their overall approval ratings. However, it’s hard to know which is influencing the other here. It’s possible that Americans are primarily judging their governors on their coronavirus performances (and thus basing their overall job approval on how they view their governors’ handling of the pandemic) or that Americans are judging governors’ coronavirus performances on whether they support them overall (and thus basing their approval of their governors’ handling of the pandemic on how they view their governors more generally).

Ignore the CPAC straw poll
On Sunday, headlines blared the results of the annual Conservative Political Action Conference straw poll, which found that 55 percent of CPAC attendees wanted former President Donald Trump to be the Republican presidential nominee in 2024. (DeSantis finished second with 21 percent, and Noem was third with 4 percent.) But unfortunately, those headlines did not add some important caveats: The CPAC straw poll is not a scientific poll, and it is not at all predictive of who will actually win the next GOP presidential primary — especially three years beforehand.

In the nearly 50-year history of CPAC, its straw poll has correctly picked the next Republican presidential nominee only six times.2 And most of those times, it was an easy choice: Either the straw poll was happening amid the presidential primaries in the election year itself (1980, 2000, 2012) or there was an incumbent Republican president who was obviously going to be the nominee (1984, 2019). There was only one time the straw poll accurately predicted the nominee this far out (Mitt Romney in 2009). More often, the straw poll winner is someone with special appeal to the activist Republicans who typically populate CPAC, such as Rand Paul in 2013 or Jack Kemp in 1993, rather than someone with broader appeal to voters.

Trump may be the Republican standard-bearer again in 2024. Or he may not. But don’t pay any attention to the CPAC straw poll when trying to guess which it’ll be.

Biden approval

According to FiveThirtyEight’s presidential approval tracker,3 52.7 percent of Americans approve of the job Biden is doing as president, while 38.6 percent disapprove (a net approval rating of +14.2 points). At this time last week, 54.5 percent approved and 38.2 percent disapproved (a net approval rating of +16.3 points). One month ago, Biden had an approval rating of 53.8 percent and a disapproval rating of 35.8 percent, for a net approval rating of +17.9 points.
The economic recovery began to stall late last year as the virus surged, causing a shortfall in hiring in recent months. Employers added just 49,000 jobs in January and cut 227,000 jobs in December. Economists estimate that the February employment report being released Friday will show gains of 175,000, not nearly enough to swiftly recover the nearly 10 million jobs lost to the pandemic-induced recession.

The nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office estimates economic growth will exceed 4% this year without Biden’s rescue package. Republicans cite that as evidence the economy is pointed upward, but Democrats say a strong economic stimulus is still needed to prevent a relapse.

“It’s a crisis that is still very much with us, and it is deadly, deadly serious,” Schumer said.
___

Associated Press writers Josh Boak, Alexandra Jaffe and Lisa Mascaro contributed to this report.




Continue Reading

General

“It’s a crisis that is still very much with us, and it is deadly, deadly serious,” Schumer said.

Published

on




The Senate steered on Friday toward a voting marathon on Democrats’ $1.9 trillion COVID-19 relief bill after enduring an extraordinary half-day holdup forced by a Republican foe of President Joe Biden’s top legislative priority.

The chamber planned to begin voting around midday on a mountain of amendments, mostly by GOP opponents and virtually all of which were destined to be rejected. That would set the Senate on course toward approving its reworked version of the massive measure, probably over the weekend, and shipping it back to the House so it could whisk the final package to Biden for his signature.

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Moments after the Senate took up the legislation Thursday, Sen. Ron Johnson, R-Wis., forced the chamber’s clerks to read aloud the entire 628-page measure. The exhausting task took the staffers 10 hours and 44 minutes and ended shortly after 2 a.m. EST, with Johnson alternately sitting at his desk and pacing around the mostly empty chamber.

SEE ALSO: What is, isn’t in Senate’s version of COVID-19 relief bill

Bill Ritter and guests discuss what to expect some the COVID relief bill

Democratic leaders made more than a dozen late additions to their package on Thursday. That reflected their need to cement unanimous support from all their senators – plus Vice President Kamala Harris’ tie-breaking vote – to succeed in the precariously divided 50-50 chamber.

The Senate’s 51-50 vote to start debating the package, with Harris pushing Democrats over the top, underscored how they were navigating the package through Congress with virtually no margin for error. In the House their majority is a scrawny 10 votes.

The bill, aimed at battling the killer virus and nursing the staggered economy back to health, will provide direct payments of up to $1,400 to most Americans. There’s also money for COVID-19 vaccines and testing, aid to state and local governments, help for schools and the airline industry, tax breaks for lower-earners and families with children, and subsidies for health insurance.

“We are not going to be timid in the face of a great challenge,” said Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y.

SEE ALSO: Could this be final package with stimulus checks?

What’s riding on this negotiation is the $1,400 stimulus checks proposed by Pres. Joe Biden, but could this be the final round?

The new provisions offered items appealing to all manner of Democrats. Progressives got money boosting programs, federal subsidies for health care for workers who lose jobs, tax-free student loans, and money for public broadcasting and consumer protection investigations.

Moderates won funds for rural health care, language assuring minimum amounts of money for smaller states and a prohibition on states receiving aid using the windfalls to cut taxes. And for everyone, there was money for infrastructure, cultural venues, start-up companies and afterschool programs.

Even with the late revisions, there was a good chance lawmakers will make yet another one and vote to pare back the bill’s $400 weekly emergency unemployment benefits to $300.

That potential change could also extend those emergency payments another , through September. It was described by aides and a lobbyist who spoke on condition of anonymity to describe internal conversations.

Biden and Senate leaders had agreed Wednesday to retain the $400 weekly jobless payments included in the version of the relief bill the House Saturday. The reduction to $300 – which seemed likely to occur once the Senate begins a “vote-a-rama” on scores of amendments later this week – seemed to reflect a need to secure support from moderate Democrats.

MORE: Highlights of the COVID relief bill as it heads to the Senate

The COVID relief bill heads to the Senate: What’s in it for you?

It also left House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., the task of keeping her chamber’s numerous progressives on board. Liberals already suffered a blow when their No. 1 priority – a federal minimum wage increase to $15 hourly that was included in the House package – was booted from the bill in the Senate for violating the chamber’s rules and for lack of moderates’ support.

In another bargain that satisfied moderates, Biden and Senate Democrats agreed Wednesday to tighten eligibility for the direct checks to individuals. The new provision completely phases out the $1,400 payments for individuals earning at least $80,000 and couples making $160,000, well lower than the original ceilings.

“My hope is they don’t screw around with it too much,” Rep. Jim McGovern, D-Mass., said of the Senate in an interview. “If they do there could be some problems.”

Congress wants to send the bill to Biden before March 14, when a previous round of emergency benefits for people tossed out of work by the pandemic expires.

Johnson told reporters he was forcing the bill’s reading to “shine the light on this abusive and obscene amount of money. ” Schumer said Johnson would “accomplish little more than a few sore throats for the Senate clerks.”

VIDEO: Biden encourages lawmakers to act ‘quickly and boldy’ on COVID relief bill

President Joe Biden encourages lawmakers to act “decisively, quickly and boldly” after the COVID-19 relief bill passed in the House.

Asked about GOP delays, Biden told reporters he’s talked to Republican lawmakers and added, “We’re keeping everybody informed.” Biden met last month with Republican senators who offered a plan one-third the size of Democrats’ proposal, and there have been no signs since of serious talks.

Johnson’s move pointed to a larger GOP argument: Democrats were ramming an overpriced bill through that disregarded that growing numbers of vaccinations and other signs suggesting the country’s pandemic ordeal is beginning to ease.

“Instead of heading into a dark tunnel, we’re accelerating out of it,” said Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky.
Welcome to Pollapalooza, our weekly polling roundup. And this week, we’re switching up the format a little; let us know your thoughts on it (or any other form you’d like to see Pollapalooza take) by shooting us an email.

Raising the minimum wage is popular
Democrats got some bad news last week when the Senate parliamentarian ruled that the Senate could not include a minimum-wage hike as part of its COVID-19 relief bill. The party’s goal of raising the minimum wage to $15 an hour now faces a more difficult path to passage (had the Senate parliamentarian said it was fine to include, a simple majority in the Senate could have passed it). Now, if the Senate takes it up, it will be as a separate bill that would need to get the support of at least 60 senators.

But arguably, forcing an up-or-down vote on the minimum wage alone is the best leverage its proponents have. Raising the minimum wage is popular with the American public, even as dramatic a raise as to $15 an hour (it is currently $7.25 an hour). This week’s Morning Consult/Politico poll found that registered voters support it 60 percent to 32 percent. An Ipsos/Reuters survey from last month found roughly the same thing: 59 percent of adults in support and 34 percent in opposition. Monmouth University this week did find less support for it, but even in that survey, 53 percent of adults still supported a $15 minimum wage, while 45 percent were against it.

The higher wage’s popularity could put pressure on swing-state Republicans (not to mention hesitant Democrats like Sens. Joe Manchin and Kyrsten Sinema) to vote for it — and if they don’t, Democrats would be able to attack them on it in their next election, so a policy loss could still be a political win.

How popular is your governor?
Between scandals and recall elections and COVID-19, governors have been in the news a lot lately. Perhaps it’s not a coincidence, then, that we’ve gotten quite a few polls of governors’ approval ratings in the past month.

How governors stack up
Share of respondents in 12 states saying they approve or disapprove of their governor’s job performance, according to polls conducted since Feb. 5

STATE GOVERNOR PARTY APPROVAL DISAPPROVAL NET
MA Charlie Baker R 74 20 +54
NH Chris Sununu R 72 25 +47
UT Spencer Cox R 63 22 +41
TX Greg Abbott R 54 35 +19
WA Jay Inslee D 52 35 +17
FL Ron DeSantis R 55 38 +17
VA Ralph Northam D 49 33 +16
SD Kristi Noem R 55 44 +11
NC Roy Cooper D 49 39 +11
MI Gretchen Whitmer D 52 47 +5
NV Steve Sisolak D 48 43 +5
NY Andrew Cuomo D 48 45 +3
Numbers for Cuomo are an average of five polls; numbers for Abbott are an average of three polls; numbers for DeSantis and Cooper are an average of two polls each. Numbers for all other governors are based on one poll each. When a poll provided numbers among both adults and registered voters, we used registered voters.

SOURCE: POLLS

Because these numbers come from several different pollsters (and some are of adults while others are of registered voters), be careful making direct comparisons between governors — but we can still draw a few undeniable conclusions. For example, Govs. Charlie Baker of Massachusetts and Chris Sununu of New Hampshire are still extremely popular — despite being Republicans in not-very-red states. And although liberals have lambasted them for their permissive COVID-19 safety protocols, Govs. Ron DeSantis of Florida, Kristi Noem of South Dakota and Greg Abbott of Texas are doing just fine politically, with average net approval ratings1 of +17 points, +11 points and +19 points, respectively. (Note that, in Abbott’s case, the polls were all conducted before this week’s announcement that he’d be fully reopening the state. However, there’s good reason to believe that won’t harm his approval rating much.)

On the other hand, Govs. Gretchen Whitmer of Michigan, Steve Sisolak of Nevada and Andrew Cuomo of New York are divisive figures in their home states. That’s perhaps not too surprising for Whitmer and Sisolak, who from swing states and won their 2018 elections by close margins. But Cuomo, who earned near-universal acclaim from New Yorkers just one year ago, has experienced quite a fall from grace amid allegations that he sexually harassed or made unwanted advances toward three women and that his administration deliberately undercounted the number of nursing-home residents who died of COVID-19 for political gain. Only two surveys have been conducted since the sexual-harassment scandal gained traction (the numbers above are based on an average of those polls and three older ones), but they contained some of Cuomo’s worst numbers yet: Emerson College/WPIX-TV/NewsNation gave him a 38 percent approval rating and a 48 percent disapproval rating, and Quinnipiac University put him at 45 percent approval and 46 percent disapproval.

Several polls asked respondents separate questions about whether they approved of their governor’s handling of the pandemic, and the numbers generally tracked closely with their overall approval ratings. However, it’s hard to know which is influencing the other here. It’s possible that Americans are primarily judging their governors on their coronavirus performances (and thus basing their overall job approval on how they their governors’ handling of the pandemic) or that Americans are judging governors’ coronavirus performances on whether they support them overall (and thus basing their approval of their governors’ handling of the pandemic on how they view their governors more generally).

Ignore the CPAC straw poll
On Sunday, headlines blared the results of the annual Conservative Political Action Conference straw poll, which found that 55 percent of CPAC attendees wanted former President Donald Trump to be the Republican presidential nominee in 2024. (DeSantis finished second with 21 percent, and Noem was third with 4 percent.) But unfortunately, those headlines did not add some important caveats: The CPAC straw poll is not a scientific poll, and it is not at all predictive of who will actually win the next GOP presidential primary — especially three years beforehand.

In the nearly 50-year history of CPAC, its straw poll has correctly picked the next Republican presidential nominee only six times.2 And most of those times, it was an easy choice: Either the straw poll was happening amid the presidential primaries in the election year itself (1980, 2000, 2012) or there was an incumbent Republican president who was obviously going to be the nominee (1984, 2019). There was only one time the straw poll accurately predicted the nominee this far out (Mitt Romney in 2009). More often, the straw poll winner is someone with special appeal to the activist Republicans who typically populate CPAC, such as Rand Paul in 2013 or Jack Kemp in 1993, rather than someone with broader appeal to voters.

Trump may be the Republican standard-bearer again in 2024. Or he may not. But don’t pay any attention to the CPAC straw poll when trying to guess which it’ll be.

Biden approval

According to FiveThirtyEight’s presidential approval tracker,3 52.7 percent of Americans approve of the job Biden is doing as president, while 38.6 percent disapprove (a net approval rating of +14.2 points). At this time last week, 54.5 percent approved and 38.2 percent disapproved (a net approval rating of +16.3 points). One month ago, Biden had an approval rating of 53.8 percent and a disapproval rating of 35.8 percent, for a net approval rating of +17.9 points.
The economic recovery began to stall late last year as the virus surged, causing a shortfall in hiring in recent months. Employers added just 49,000 jobs in January and cut 227,000 jobs in December. Economists estimate that the February employment report being released Friday will show gains of 175,000, not nearly enough to swiftly recover the nearly 10 million jobs lost to the pandemic-induced recession.

The nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office estimates economic growth will exceed 4% this year without Biden’s rescue package. Republicans cite that as evidence the economy is pointed upward, but Democrats say a strong economic stimulus is still needed to prevent a relapse.

“It’s a crisis that is still very much with us, and it is deadly, deadly serious,” Schumer said.
___

Associated Press writers Josh Boak, Alexandra Jaffe and Lisa Mascaro contributed to this report.




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